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In the past two years, as well as its Gaza War And an increasingly violent occupation of the West Bank, Israel has launched attacks against Iran, Lebanon, Syria and Yemen.
Most Recent attacks against Syria were launched this week, going so far as to strike the country’s defense ministry.
Of course, the Israelis underline their justifications for attacks against Syria – mainly, in the story of Israel, to defend the Syrian Druze minority. A commercial ceasefire in the United States has taken effect, but it remains to be seen if it is to be seen.
In Lebanon, Israel said he wanted to stop the threat posed by Hezbollah.
The attacks on Iran, he said, had to put an end to the attempt of this country to build a nuclear bomb.
And in Yemen, the bombing of Israel was an answer to the attacks of the country’s Houthi rebels.
Aside from the explanations, the question becomes whether the Israelis can continue to act in a way that has a lot in the world, and in particular in the Middle East, considering them as the aggressor.
The Israeli argument is that all these conflicts – and more than 58,000 Palestinians killed in Gaza – are necessary because Israel faces an existential battle that it has no choice but to win.
The Israeli government, in its current far right makeup, at least, does not seem to worry if its neighbors do not like it. Rather, it seems to worry that they fear it.
And as the most powerful military force in the region, with the support of the most powerful military force in the world, the Israelis think they can do what they want.
Israel takes advantage of a Weakening of the international order And a moment of flow in the way the world is managed, in particular with the United States under President Donald Trump, openly evolving towards a more transactional foreign policy.
Western countries had already tried to maintain the idea of a liberal international order, where institutions such as the United Nations guarantee that international law is followed.
But the actions of Israel, over the decades, have made more and more difficult to maintain pretension.
The world could not prevent Israel from continuing its occupation of Palestinian lands, even if it is illegal under international law.
The colonies continue to be built and extended in the West Bank, and the colonists continue to kill the unarmed Palestinians.
Human rights organizations and international organizations have found that Israel has repeatedly violated war rules in its conduct in Gaza and accused the country of committing genocide, but can do nothing.
No other power wants, or feels strong enough, to face the coat that the United States undoubtedly leaves.
And until the rules are rewritten, it seems more and more that it could match the property. Israel, the only nuclear power in the region, benefits.
Supporters of the actions of Israel in the past two years would also say that those who predict the negative consequences for their attacks have proven to be wrong.
The main threat perceived for Israel was the directed Resistance axisAnd the argument was that these countries and groups would severely strike Israel if the latter went too far in his attacks.
Israel has increased, and the reaction of Iran and its allies was, in many cases, to choose to withdraw rather than risk the total devastation of their country or their organizations.
Iran attacked Israel in a way that the country had never known before, such as Aviv being directly struck on numerous occasions.
But some of the forecasts for the worst scenarios did not take place, and finally, the direct conflict between Israel and Iran lasted 12 days, without the outbreak of a wider regional war.
In Lebanon, Israel can be even happier from the result.
After a bombing campaign and an invasion intensified last year, Hezbollah lost its emblematic leader, Hassan Nasrallah, and a large part of his military capacity, as well as some of his power in Lebanon. It is now, at least in the short term, plus a threat to Israel.
Israel seems to believe that weak neighbors are good for that.
Just as in the case of Gaza and the occupied West Bank, the perception is that there is no real need to provide a scenario of the end of part or the next day.
Instead, as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has demonstrated, Israel can maintain the chaos as much as possible from its borders, as long as it maintains security inside.
But the current situation in Syria is an interesting example of what can go wrong, and when the Israeli Ormestre can go too far.
Netanyahu argued that Syria south of Damascus must remain demilitarized.
His first argument was that this would guarantee the security of the Druze minority, of which thousands also live in Israel and demanded that Israel protect their brothers following violence involving Bedouin fighters and government forces.
The second argument was that the new authorities in Syria cannot trust due to the past links of the new leadership to groups such as Al-Qaeda.
After the bombing of Israel and certain American products, Syrian President Ahmed Al-Sharaa agreed to withdraw the government security forces of the Druze-Majjeurité de Suwayda on Thursday, warning that even if Israel “could be able to trigger a war”, it “would not be easy to control its consequences”.
On Friday, it became clear that thousands of Bedouins – and other tribal forces – were heading to support the Bedouins in Suwayda after massacres against them.
Al-Sharaa, probably with the acquiescence of Israel, announced that Syrian government forces would unfold in Swayda to end the current clashes, and a new ceasefire was declared on Saturday.
In this case, the presence of a strong state with the control of its territory can be more effective than allowing anarchy to reign.
If anything, Israel’s actions in Syria will increase its regional isolation and make eyebrows among countries that could have been considered as potential allies.
Saudi Arabia underlined its support for the new Syrian government, and Israel’s behavior will add to the feeling of Riyadh, post-Gaza, that all “Abraham grants normalization links cannot occur in the short term.
For many countries in the Middle East, especially in the Gulf, Israeli hegemony, in particular with the rise of the Messianic far-right forces in its government, leads to war, expansionism, chaos and security risks.
And the short -term military gains of Israel run the risk of flame back elsewhere.
Iran’s military capacities may have been damaged in his war with Israel, but Tehran will likely seek to move tactics to Israel in other ways to come, while improving his defenses and potentially focusing on the production of a nuclear weapon.
As mentioned, the opinions of regional countries may not be the highest priority for the current harvest of Israeli leaders, as long as they continue to have American support.
But that does not mean that – in the long term – Israel will not be more and more confronted with its actions, both diplomatically and in terms of security.
At the national level, constant wars, even if beyond the borders of Israel, do not give a feeling of long-term security for any population.
The percentage of military reservists responding to calls would have already decreased. In a country where the majority of soldiers are reservists who have jobs, businesses and families to take care of, it is difficult to maintain a permanent military base indefinitely.
This contributed to an increasing fracture in Israel between a dominant ultra -nationalist camp which wants to fight first and ask questions later, annex the Palestinian lands and force regional acceptance through the brutal force, and a more centrist camp which – while not prioritizing the attenuation of Palestinian sufferings – is more sensitive to international isolation and sanctions, while trying to ” liberal nionist ”.
If current trends are continuing and the ultra-nationalist camp retains its domination, Israel can continue to use its military power and support in the United States to generate short-term successes.
But by sowing chaos around its borders and flouting international standards, it reproduces resentment among its neighbors and the loss of support among its traditional allies – even in the United States, where public support slides.
A more isolated Israel can do what he wants today, but without a long -term strategy for peace, stability and mutual respect with his neighbors – including the Palestinians – he may not be able to escape the consequences tomorrow.